William Foot & Emily Day Eglintine, Somerset, Kent & Nottinghamshire

William Foot

The start of the story.

WILLIAM FOOT was born in 1830 in Pointington, Somerset.

His parents were Charles Foot, a shepherd, and Mary Foot and he worked as an agricultural labourer for the first part of his working life. He was one of at least ten children (see main family listing elsewhere)

He was baptised on February 21^st 1830 at the Parish Church. He joined the army, in his early twenties, and served for many years.

He married Emily Eglantine Blizard at St Botolph’s Parish Church, Northfleet, near Gravesend in 1867.

Emily was born in 1846 in Northfleet, Gravesend, Kent. Her parents were William Blizzard, a coachman and Emma Day Eglantine Blizzard..

Interestingly, William Blizzard’s father was a Licensed Thames Waterman, baptised on April 17^th 1766 and bound as an apprentice to William Strange on May 9^th 1782. His freedom was granted on December 22^nd 1791 – a very nice Christmas present- which gave him the right to work the river Thames on his own merits.

*** follow this link to a site about Thames Watermen. http://hometown.aol.com/rjcindex/TRUEFLARE.html

Emma-Day’s Father was shown as a Surveyor and he was also probably born in the later part of the 18^th century. The editor was unable to trace Emma-Day’s father back as the records of the I C S don’t go back that far..

At the time of the wedding, William was stationed at Milton near Gravesend and it is likely that he was one of the soldiers who manned the Thames Estuary Sea Forts – part of the defences against the expected Napoleonic invasion which, of course, never took place.

His army service record was obtained from the Regimental muster rolls held at the Public Record Office, Kew where his medical records were also discovered and transcribed.

The life of a soldier – in fact any serviceman – in the 19^th century was bitterly hard and often cruel. Private soldiers were seen as not much higher than slaves and treated abominably by today’s standards. Thus there were strong incentives for a brighter type of man to strive for promotion and a little better lifestyle.

At the time of his death in 1871, William was a Chelsea Pensioner, having served in the 1^st Battalion of the 8th Regiment of Foot, or The Kings Regiment, which later still became the Liverpool Regiment.

He was a private at the time of the Indian Mutiny (his regimental number, 2992 puts his enlistment around the late 1840 s or early 1850 s)

He left the army with the rank of Drill Serjeant still with the 8th Foot – just a few short months before he died.

He received an Indian Mutiny Medal, 1857 - 59, (seen to left & right) with the 1^st Battalion of the 8th Foot. He would have been in his late twenties at the time. The causes and full effects of the Indian Mutiny are well dealt with elsewhere and no judgements should be made from these contemporary accounts.

Here is a little of the story of the campaign in which he fought.

(Please note that in the following accounts, the old spellings are used throughout, e.g. Ghoorka instead of the modern Ghurkha. Towns & locations are as they were know in the mid-nineteenth century.

William’s Army Service

The Kings Regiment, The 8^th Regiment of foot has a proud and varied history It was originally called Princess Anne’s Regiment in 1685 when James II increased his Army. Princess Anne of Denmark’s Regiment was one of them and was later numbered 8^th of Foot. The other was to become the Royal Fusiliers and senior to the 8^th.

Problems with James’ autocratic ways eventually led to his exile and when the Prince of Orange landed, the regiment was strengthened and was sent to Ireland.

This turned out to be a near disaster as disease was rife and medical facilities almost non-existent the Regiment dwindled to less than 500 men! Once recovered the Regiment took a major part in the Siege of Cork, landing from open boats in the face of the enemy. The whole assault was led by the Earl of Marlborough who crops up again in the regiment’s history.

By the beginning of the 18^th century, Princess Anne had acceded and so the Regiment became the Queen’s Regiment. It served continuously on the Continent and played a major part in the battle of Oudenarde in 1708, including covering, with the others, 50 miles in 48 hours! The 8^th held the place of honour on the right flank. The French defeat at this battle was crippling. The Regiment took part in many smaller battles and the larger ones such as Blenheim, Ramillies and Malplaquet. Commemorative Medals were struck on the order of Queen Anne to mark each of Marlborough’s great battles.

At home – under Lt Gen. Wolfe, they did well in the battles of Falkirk & Culloden. In the mid-18^th century they became Eighth of Foot, the King’s Regiment.

A few years later, a 2^nd battalion was raised and was sent to the West Indies as the 63^rd Foot. It took well over 2 months to get to Barbados from where they

Were to seize Martinique and Guadeloupe but sickness had accounted for 1,500 men. An attempt on Martinique was made but the French were easily able to repulse the small force which was withdrawn and the force moved on to Guadeloupe.

Following a successful bombardment by the warships, the town went up in flames. A landing was made and the town was found to be in ruins and the garrison abandoned.

However, the French had retreated to an impregnable position in the mountains. For over a month the landed force was unable to proceed and was being harassed constantly.

Other actions were more successful and eventually Maj. Gen Barrington arrived at Guadeloupe and using seaborne attacks the troops drove the French further into

The mountains where -0 cut off from supplies - they surrendered.. The 63^rd stayed to garrison Guadeloupe for four more years. Later the captured islands were restored to the French.

In 1808, both the 63^rd and the Kings took part in another assault on Martinique which resulted in the Battle Honour of the name.

The next memorable campaign was in Canada where the Kings spent many years. The whole Canadian Garrison was severely under strength and during the early part of the War of Independence, fought bravely and against odds to retain the British presence in Canada,.

Notably, Captain Forster laid siege to and forced the surrender of Fort Cedars which held over 400 Americans using a much smaller force of 38 men of the Kings, a few Canadians and about 200 Indians.

The commander of the – now abandoned – Montréal Garrison decided to intervene in a flotilla of boats. Forster set an effective ambush using as his bases spits of land extending into the river and posted men on each and as the boats, working hard to move upstream, came into range, they were sitting ducks for the marksmen from their concealed positions. The single platoon of the Kings resisted the landing so well that the landing force retreated “Dispirited and exhausted…”

Later, when war broke out again in 1812, the King’s were there and again held the frontier posts around Lakes Erie & Ontario, For the whole of the 2 years, the British & Canadian troops were outnumbered but there were a few successful “tip & run” operations when men and colours were seized.

In the defence of York (now Toronto) the two Kings Companies lost half their strength, and at Fort George, outnumbered 5 to 1 five King’s companies lost 6 officers and almost 200 OR s

THE KING’S REGIMENT (8^TH REGIMENT OF FOOT) IN THE EARLY STAGES OF THE INDIAN MUTINY.

Here is a report, constructed using extracts from contemporary accounts and official dispatches. The images are used in order to enhance the reader’s interest in the account. It must have been an exciting but daunting time for all involved.

1857. On the 28th of March the half-yearly inspection of the regiment was again made by Brigadier M. C. Johnstone. The numbers present on this occasion and total strength have not been recorded.

In the month of May, when the mutiny of the Sepoy Army in Bengal broke out, the Thirty-sixth, and Sixty-first Native Infantry, the Sixth Native Cavalry, one European and one native troop of Horse Artillery were quartered with the regiment at Jullundur. Two marches to the south was the fort of Phillour, commanding the bridge of boats which at that point connected the Punjab with the North West provinces. It contained a magazine, siege train and stores, protected by guards of the Third Native Infantry, which regiment was in the adjacent cantonment.

Immediately after the Meerut outbreak, orders were despatched from Simla by the Commander-in-Chief, directing the Officer commanding at Jullundur to secure Phillour. But before the order reached the station. Colonel H. W. Hartley, of the KING’S, who commanded during Brigadier Johnstone’s temporary absence, had taken measures for the purpose on his own responsibility. The Meerut outbreak took place on the 10th, and the news reached him by electric telegraph on the 12th. The same night he detached Brevet-Major R. S. Baynes with Lieutenant Longfield, Ensign W. Webb, one hundred and sixty-two men of his own regiment and two guns, and on the morning of 13th May, these troops obtained possession of the fort without bloodshed.

This important success, which secured valuable material for the siege of Delhi, was not obtained too soon, for, as became known afterwards, the fort was to have been seized next day, on behalf of the mutineers, by the Third Native Infantry. Major Baynes and his party remained at Phillour. As May advanced, the state of the native troops in Jullundur, who had unfortunately been left in possession of their arms, began to cause uneasiness.

The .KING’S regiment was therefore kept ready in its lines, and a captain and subaltern with one hundred of its men, mounted guard in those of the artillery, where the women and children of the station were assembled for safety. On the night of the 7th June the native troops, numbering over two thousand two hundred men, broke into revolt. The strength of the KING’S regiment on that day, as shown by the morning state was twenty-three officers and seven hundred and thirty-five non-commissioned officers and privates (of whom thirty-two were in hospital).

The outbreak at Julhmdur, like many others throughout India, was immediately preceded by a great incendiary fire. On the alarm being given, about 11 P.M., The detachment of the KINGS - which was on duty in the artillery lines under Captain J. M. Bannatyne - stood to its arms. Continuous firing in the native infantry lines having broken out a little later, the main body of the regiment got under arms also, but, as previously arranged, it waited for orders on its own parade, which, was three-quarters of a mile from that of the artillery. Meanwhile the detachment in the artillery lines proceeded at once to guard the guns and protect the gunners while harnessing the horses. The guns were then placed in position with the men of the detachment on either flank; and the women and children, as well as the wounded officers of the mutinous regiments, who soon began to drop in, were sent to the gun sheds behind. The Brigadier joined soon after and sent for the main body of the KING’S. The regiment started, at once under Colonel H. W. Hartley, leaving Captain W. Bayly and Lieutenant Stebbing with a detachment and two guns to protect the lines. The Regiment lost its way in a sandstorm, and. before it reached the artillery lines the Sixth Cavalry and Thirty-sixth Native Infantry had attacked the guns. Disconcerted in their advance by the sandstorm, these mutineers however had been easily repulsed by a round of grape and musketry, which cost them about a dozen men and horses, and when the KING’S arrived they had. disappeared in the darkness. Notwithstanding the reinforcement brought by the regiment, the Brigadier remained in front of the gun sheds till morning. It was then found that all the native troops at the station, except a few artillerymen, had marched off in the night towards Delhi. Soon after 7 A.M., Brigadier Johnstone moved in pursuit with a detachment of seven officers and three hundred and nineteen non-commissioned officers and privates of the KINGS under Colonel J. Longfield, six guns, and some irregular cavalry which had arrived at Jullundur a few hours before. When he reached the Sutlej he found that the mutineers, reinforced by, the Third Native Infantry from Phillour, had nearly all crossed in spite of the opposition of an irregular force from Loodianah. He decided that further pursuit would he hopeless, but he directed Colonel Longfield’ s detachment to go on to Umballa.

On the 14th June the regiment received orders to proceed to reinforce the army under Sir Harry Barnard, then engaged in the siege of Delhi. It started the same night under Colonel Hartley, with two guns. Captain A. T. Welsh, Lieutenant Stebbing, and one hundred and twenty men -were left at Jullundur under Lieutenant-Colonel Greathed. The sick soldiers and families were sent to Lahore in charge of Lieutenant T. Aldridge. At Phillour, the regiment received in charge some material for the army at Delhi, and left a detachment to garrison the fort under Captain J. Hinde who relieved Brevet-Major R. S. Baynes. On the 21st it reached Umballa, where Colonel Longfield’ s detachment rejoined. Two companies (F and H) under Captain Tupper were left there, and on the 28th the regiment joined the army before Delhi, and was attached

to the Third Brigade. The heat of the weather and forced marching had tried the regiment severely. The casualties on the march were Quartermaster Ross and eight men, who died from sunstroke or fever. (alongside is shown the type of field station for wounded & sick)

The strength of the regiment on arrival was twenty-one officers and three hundred and forty-one non-commissioned officers and privates. These numbers did not vary much throughout the siege, for the reinforcements occasionally received from Umballa were counterbalanced by the sick and wounded men who from time to time returned to that station.

Sir Harry Barnard's army consisted of about nine hundred reliable cavalry, and three thousand nine hundred infantry, with twenty-eight field and sixteen siege guns. His camp lay on the north of the ridge running south-west from the Juana, which at a distance varying from a mile to half a mile commanded the north-west front of the defences of Delhi. The piquets and batteries occupied this ridge, but the weakness of the British as yet precluded any serious attempt to lay siege to the place. At this period the rebel force in Delhi it is supposed, may have consisted of about nine thousand Sepoys with their corps; there were also many furlough men, and a large number of armed customs guards, jail guards, and the like. Besides these there must be reckoned a multitude of Mussulman insurgents. The total number of armed men available for the defence of the city may be roughly estimated at thirty thousand. The artillery at the disposal of the rebels consisted of sixty field pieces, and there were one hundred and fourteen guns on the walls. The defences were in good order, and consisted of a rampart with berm and dry ditch, and with bastions at irregular intervals. Those facing the British position extended to three-quarters of a mile—equal to about an eighth of the “whole enceinte” —and were flanked by three bastions, the “Water,” “ Cashmere,” and “ Moree.” The distance or length of “front” between the salients of the Water and Cashmere bastions -was a quarter of a mile, and that between the Cashmere and Moree half a mile. The place contained ample supplies of small arms, guns, and ammunition. Hardly a day passed without an attempt by the garrison to force the British position or destroy its communications. Although not so resolutely executed as skilfully planned, these attempts inflicted losses that made it difficult to keep up even the semblance of a siege. The situation was at its worst when the KING’S brought its scanty numbers to Sir Harry Barnard's aid, but the stream of reinforcements from the Punjab which was to enable the British to assume the offensive now set in.

The brigade to which the regiment belonged occupied the left of the position on the slope of the ridge near the Jumna. It was composed of a wing of the Sixty-first and the fourth Sikh Infantry, and was commanded by Brigadier Jones, C.B. of the former regiment. Colonel H. W. Hartley was now, for medical reasons, ordered to resign the command of the regiment, which devolved on Colonel J. Longfield. Colonel Hartley was appointed to command the Umballa Brigade, but was afterwards transferred to Julhmdur, where he died on the 25th June, 1858. Colonel Longfield soon obtained command of the Second Brigade, when Lieutenant-Colonel E. H. Greathed, who had rejoined on the march from Jullundur, succeeded to the temporary command of the regiment. Soon after arrival the white linen or cotton clothing worn by the officers and men of the regiment was dyed the Khakee or mud colour used by the Sikhs. This colour was found to be much less conspicuous than white, especially on night duty, and the example was soon followed by other European regiments in camp. Early in July the regiment began to suffer from cholera, which was prevalent in camp. On the 5th, Sir Harry Barnard died, and was temporarily succeeded by General Reid. On the 8th the regiment formed part of a force sent, under Brigadier Longfield to blow up the canal bridge at Bustle, nine miles to the right rear of the camp, which was used by the rebels in their efforts to interrupt the communication with Umballa.

On the 9th the regiment commanded by Lieutenant-Colonel Greathed, with other troops, was sent under Brigadier Chamberlain to dislodge a large rebel force which had occupied some gardens beyond the extreme right of the British position. These gardens were thickly wooded and enclosed, and they contained some houses which had been converted into defensive posts. The KING’S was on the right of the line, but the nature of the ground was such that no regular formation could be long preserved, and the troops eventually fought in groups. After a severe contest, lasting several hours, the enemy was forced to retire on Delhi through the suburb of Kissen Gunj; but being reinforced from. the town they rallied, again advanced, and surrounded a serai which had been occupied by the regiment, and by detached parties of the Sixty-first, and of several of the Punjab corps. As the ammunition of these troops was beginning to run short, and as the enemy had effected a lodgement close under the walls and had begun to pierce openings for firing into the serai, it became necessary to evacuate the place. Lieutenant Greathed, Bengal Engineers, with a small party, volunteered to hold the gate of the serai next the town, whilst Colonel Greathed. and the main body retired by another gate on the side of the camp. Colonel Greathed met with no serious opposition, but when Lieutenant Greathed and his party prepared to follow they found a considerable number of rebels barring their way out of the serai, and had to force a passage by a determined charge through the gateway.

Private John Brown, greatly distinguished himself by his gallantry in this charge, and was in consequence promoted to the rank of corporal. During this day's fighting the loss sustained by the regiment was eleven men killed, Captain Daniell, Ensign Mounsteven, and twenty-one men wounded. Ensign Mounsteven died of his wound on the following day, and Captain Daniell was completely disabled for the rest of the campaign. Lieutenant and Adjutant Walker had his horse shot. The strength shown in the morning state was three hundred and twenty-three non-commissioned officers and privates, of whom twenty-seven were in the hospital. Brigadier A, Wilson of the Bengal Artillery was now appointed to command the army, and Colonel Baird Smith became chief engineer. Under the direction of these officers the batteries were improved and better armed, but the supply of men and material at their disposal was not yet sufficient for a vigorous prosecution of the siege. On the 14th July the enemy attacked the right of the position with numerous forces. On that day one hundred and thirty men of the regiment under Captains A. C. Robertson. and. J. M. Bannatyne were on piquet at the fortified post of the Subzee Mundee serai, which covered the extreme right of the ridge. The Sammy House, another fortified post in the immediate vicinity, being seriously threatened by the enemy, forty men of the piquet under Lieutenant Grierson were detached to its aid. Several attacks subsequently made on it by strong columns of rebel infantry, supported by field artillery and a heavy fire from the guns on the ramparts of the city, were repulsed. The Subzee Mundee piquet also was itself attacked by other large bodies of rebels, who, taking advantage of ruined buildings and enclosures, established themselves close to the walls on three sides of the post, and for several hours kept up an incessant but nearly harmless fire.

Except a few marksmen posted at loopholes, the men of the piquet were kept under cover ready to repel the enemy had they come to close quarters. No assault was attempted, and the only casualty of the piquet was one man wounded. About 3 P.M., Brigadier Showers brought out a brigade and drove the enemy into the town. His loss was fifteen officers and one hundred and sixty-five men killed or wounded. Among the officers severely wounded was Lieutenant-Colonel Neville Chamberlain, Adjutant-General of the Army. The main body of the regiment under Colonel Greathed was kept in reserve at the flagstaff tower on the ridge and was not engaged.

On the 17th July the Third Brigade changed camp to the parade ground of the old cantonment. Cholera still continued, and the regiment had about eighty men on the sick list, but the change of camp had a beneficial effect. On the 18th July the regiment commanded by Captain A. C. Robertson, together with the Sixtieth Rifles, a Goorkha Battalion, and the Fourth Sikh Infantry, was employed under Brigadier Jones of the Sixtieth in repelling a sortie on the British right. The enemy having occupied a ruined village in rear of the Subzee Mundee piquet. Captain W. Bayly with the light company of the regiment was sent round it, whilst Lieutenant Souter with the Grenadiers led the attack in front. The enemy was thus driven out and fell back on Delhi. The force advanced as far as the enclosures below Ghosipore and then withdrew, being covered in its retreat by the companies of Captains G. E. Baynes and J. M. Bannatyne, which alternately relieved each other in extended order. The regiment was again, engaged on the 23rd under the command of Major Brooke as part. of a force which under Lieutenant-Colonel Greathed, repulsed a sortie on the British left. The enemy having taken possession of some houses in front of the Cashmere gate the regiment with other troops advanced in line without firing, and carried them by assault. The rebels retired into the town and a fire of grape from the walls immediately opened, under which the troops fell back on the ridge. In this action Lieutenant Pogson was slightly wounded. The losses sustained by the regiment in action between 10th. and 31st July were twelve men killed, one officer and thirty-three men wounded. The deaths from disease in July were fifty. Throughout August the increasing strength of the British was gradually making the prospects of the siege more hopeful The duties were now very severe, and the regiment was almost constantly on outpost. But when off duty the men had rest, for the defence of the position was generally left to the piquets which were strengthened, and so strongly posted that although frequently attacked they were rarely required. Lieutenant Sandilands was severely wounded by the splinter of a shell whilst on piquet on 10th August. Before daybreak on 12th August a detachment of the brigade consisting of one hundred men. of the KING’S with one hundred of the Sixty-first, commanded by Captain A. C. Robertson, was sent with other troops under Brigadier Showers to attack a large body of rebels which had taken up a position at Ludlow Castle, threatening the Metcalfe piquet. The enemy lost four of his guns and retreated into Delhi. The force had one hundred and thirteen men killed or wounded, of whom only four belonged to the KING’S. The Brigadier being wounded, Lieutenant-Colonel Greathed was sent to take command and bring the troops back to camp. Captain Robertson's detachment, supported by the First Bengal Fusiliers, covered the retreat. On the 14th, Brigadier Nicholson brought from the Punjab an important reinforcement consisting of about one thousand British, six hundred and fifty Native Infantry, two hundred Native Cavalry, and six field guns. About the end of August, six officers and fully half of the men with the regiment were on the sick list, and Captains A. C. Robertson and W. Bayly and Lieutenant Grierson were invalided to Umballa. Lieutenant Grierson died at Umballa on the 4th September; Captain Robertson rejoined in January, and Captain Bayly in February 1858.

On the 4th September, twenty-five siege guns and the last of the available reinforcements from the Punjab joined the army; with these came the detachments of the KING’S from Jullundur and Phillour, in all about two hundred men, with Lieutenants Beere and Stebbing. The strength of the Army, reckoning recruits and new levies, was about nine thousand eight hundred and sixty-six men; of these about four thousand were British. There was also at the disposal of General Wilson the Cashmere and Jheend contingents, numbering about two thousand five hundred men. The strength of the KING’S at this time was fourteen officers and three hundred and eight non-commissioned officers and privates. The time for a decisive effort was come; trenches were at once opened, and on the 7^th, Lieutenant-Colonel Greathed with six hundred and fifty men of various regiments seized Ludlow Castle and the Koodsia Bagh—the latter a walled garden within two hundred yards of the walls. The batteries were now pushed forward to breaching distance, and on the evening of the 13th September two of the three breaches were examined and reported practicable.

The three breaches were within a distance of four hundred yards in the most northern front of the fortification. One was in the left face of the Water Bastion, another in the right face of the Cashmere Bastion, and the third in the curtain connecting these bastions. Looking from the breaching batteries towards the town, the Water Bastion breach was on the left, the Cashmere Bastion breach on the right, and the curtain breach intermediate between the two. The breach in the curtain was, as the event proved, the most practicable of the three, but its practicability had not been ascertained, and its approaches were flanked by the fire of the bastions. The two bastion breaches were therefore selected for attack, and a simultaneous effort was to be made to force a way through the Cashmere Gate, which was close to the left flank of the Cashmere Bastion and the curtain between it and the Moree Bastion. At 11 P.M. The same night orders for the assault were issued. The army paraded at 3 A.M. On the 14th September. The infantry was in five columns. The first, commanded by Brigadier Nicholson, and led by the First Bengal Fusiliers was to storm the Cashmere Bastion; the second, commanded by- Brigadier Jones, Sixty-first Regiment, and led by the KING’S Regiment, was to storm the Water Bastion; the third, commanded by Brigadier Campbell, Fifty-second Light Infantry, and led by his own regiment, was to enter by the Cashmere Gate after it had been blown in by a party of Sappers; the fourth, commanded by Major Reid and led by the Sixtieth Rifles, was to pass through the suburb of Kissen Gunj, and threaten the defences on the west of the city; the fifth, under Brigadier Longfield of the KING’S was to act as a reserve. The cavalry was to afford a general support, preserve the communications and protect the camp. The first and second columns were provided with ladders. The KING’S, leaving out camp guards and sick, had two hundred and eighty men available, who were told off in four companies as follows, viz.:-

No. 1. (Storming party carrying ladders). Captain G. E Baynes, Lieutenants Pogson and Metge, and seventy five R. and F. (Rank & File)

No. 2. Brevet-Major B. S. Baynes, Lieutenants J. V. Webb and McGrigor, and sixty-eight R. and F.

No. 3. Captain J. M. Bannatyne, Lieutenants Beere and Stebbing, and sixty-eight R. and F.

No. 4. Lieutenant E. N. Sandilands, Lieutenant Bayly, Ensign W. Webb. and sixty-nine R. and F. The field and staff officers present were Major Brooke, Lieutenant and Adjutant Walker, Surgeon Annesley, Assistant Surgeons Yates and Biddle.

When formed the columns proceeded to their posts to await the signal for the assault, which was to be the explosion at the Cashmere Gate. The post of the second column was in the vicinity of the left flank breaching battery, but as the storming party had to proceed first to the gorge near the Metcalfe Piquet to receive the ladders from the Engineers, the rest of the column waited for it in the Koodsia Bagh, immediately behind the battery. Here Colonel Greathed, who had been on duty all night in charge of the left attack, joined and took command of the regiment.

A heavy artillery fire from the British batteries was going on, and had to some extent silenced the guns on the bastions. The rebels, however, still kept up a fire of musketry from. the ramparts, and had sent guns across the Jumna to enfilade the British batteries and outflank the assaulting columns during their advance. The outwork of Selim Ghur, covering the palace at the north-east angle of the city, also maintained a constant cannonade on the Koodsia Bagh and the British battery in front of it. Although under cover the regiment had Major Brooke (severely) and several men wounded. After half an hour's delay, during which the usual morning ration of rum was issued, the column, having been joined by the storming party, moved to the front and took up a position on the right, but slightly in rear of the battery. There it nearly faced the unexamined breach in the curtain, and had the breach in the Water Bastion - which it was intended to assail - a little further off on its left front. It is obvious that the column, on its way to the bastion, would have the breach in the curtain on its right front, but the dense smoke obscured the view. The column was now within one hundred and sixty yards of the walls and was ordered to lie down. A small temple and a mud enclosure with prickly pears gave some welcome shelter, for the spot was exposed to the fire converging from many points on the adjacent battery. The guns were still in action, and the gunners looked tired and jaded, for they had been on duty all night - many of them for several days and nights consecutively. The head of the first column could he seen a little to the right, its men also lying down. The detachment of the Sixtieth Rifles, intended to cover the advance of both columns, was extended in front, under such shelter as was available, but had not yet begun firing. Day now broke, and soon a movement at the head of the first column was perceptible. The roar of so many guns prevented the second column hearing the signal, but it was evident that the time for action was come. The artillery fire on the British side immediately ceased, and was replaced by the musketry of the covering party. The fire of the enemy broke out with renewed vigour, as the assaulting columns rushed through the smoke across the glacis. The Second Column was in the following order:—

Storming party of the KING’S With ladders.

Support of seventy-five men, Second Fusiliers. Remainder of the KING’S in three companies. Remainder of Second Fusiliers. Fourth Sikh Infantry.

The storming party was guided by Lieutenants Greathed and Hovenden of the Bengal Engineers, and made straight, as directed, for the breach in the Water Bastion. But the supporting party of the Second Fusiliers, which was not encumbered with ladders, pressing eagerly forward on the right of the storming party, soon came in full view of the easy breach in the curtain. The temptation it presented was too strong to be resisted, or perhaps in the confusion and smoke it was mistaken for the breach in. the bastion. In any case, the seventy-five men of the Second Fusiliers, closely followed by the rest of the column, leaving the stormers of the KING’S to pursue their course alone, rushed to the counterscarp of the curtain, slid into its ditch, swarmed up its breach and won the rampart.

The three companies of the KING’S thus led to the wrong breach by the support which they had been ordered to follow, had Brevet-Major K. S. Baynes, Lieutenants Beere and Walker severely wounded, and about fifty of their men fell on the glacis or in the ditch. Captain Sandilands also received a severe wound - his second within five weeks - whilst securing a gun still in action on the ramparts. Drum-Major Byrne was wounded while sounding the advance on the top of the breach. The defenders retreated to the cover of some buildings from which they continued their fire.

Meanwhile the storming party of the KING’S Advanced alone to the breach in the Water Bastion. What occurred is thus described, in a letter, written by Captain G. E. Baynes, who commanded the party, dated 16th September (two days after the assault):

“Off we went at a trot up the glacis (the distance was about one hundred and fifty yards). It was now broad daylight. I looked at the wall and saw it crammed with Sepoys. The wall in perfect order except just at the breach which was twelve feet wide. I hope I may never see again a carnage like that which followed. A nine-pounder played upon us with grape from the bastion, and a fearful fire of musketry from the walls—steady, rapid file firing— unchecked lay the fire of a covering party, so not a shot was returned. You may easily imagine the consequence to a party advancing steadily and slowly in face of such a fire. The men were knocked over by sixes and sevens. Young Greathed was one of the first wounded. Metge also fell and ladder after ladder went down. When I got within thirty yards of the edge of the ditch, I looked round, and out of eighteen ladders I saw only three left. I ran on to the edge to see what. sort of place was before us, and called out to the ladder bearers to hurry on. I don't know what occurred after this as I fell to the ground and remained insensible for a few minutes. When I recovered I saw no one standing near me, but two grenadiers were lying down a short distance off'. I was too much exhausted to move, besides to lie still was the best thing to do. The fire from the walls continued as heavy as ever. I knew that three- quarters of the storming party were knocked over, and I looked in vain for the strong supports that were to follow us. We were evidently left to shift for ourselves. Suddenly the fire from the walls ceased. I got up and with the few men left went into the ditch, and into the bastion. In it we found some artillerymen who had got in through the Cashmere Gate and breach. In the ditch I found eight of our men killed, and Pogson wounded by grape, lying all together. It was Pogson who brought up the ladders after I fell — poor fellow — Nothing could exceed his coolness. Metge also behaved admirably. As soon as we saw we had no covering party we knew it was a desperate affair, but not a man flinched. When I got into the bastion I could only muster twenty-five men and one Serjeant. As the storming party consisted of five officers (including Engineers) and seventy- five men, this would make our loss in killed and wounded four officers and fifty men”.

(Note; This was an almost incredible and valiant attack with the most courageous behaviour of the British troops.)

After mustering his party Captain Baynes had to be carried to the rear himself, being unable to stand from excessive exhaustion. Colour-Sergeant Walker, who had greatly distinguished himself, now took command of the twenty-five men left. He was unable to find his own regiment, which had pushed on with the second column immediately after entry.

A party of the Fifty-second drew near a little later, but the Serjeant and his men were detained in the bastion by Major Brind of the Artillery, and employed, for some days in working the guns which were immediately directed against the outwork of Selim Ghur — still held by the rebels. The Colour-Serjeant subsequently received the medal for distinguished conduct in the field. The mistake, or whatever it was, that made the support separate from the storming party and lead the rest of the column to the curtain breach, produced fortunate results. Nothing could have more effectually paralysed the defence than this movement, which forced the place at a vital point, turned the defenders' positions in the adjoining bastions, and fell on their line of retreat. It is impossible to say with precision what influence it had in securing the success of the first and third columns. But when it is remembered that one of them had to storm a large bastion held by superior numbers, and that the other had to force its way at a re-entering angle of the works through a gateway which was still susceptible of defence - although the gate itself had been destroyed - the effect may safely be assumed to have been considerable. To the storming party of the KING’S struggle to make its way alone into the Water Bastion, it probably brought more effectual aid than direct support would have given it. On the other hand the intrepid advance of the storming party, by distracting the attention of the defenders, and

drawing a large share of fire from the walls, no doubt diminished the losses sustained by the main body, and contributed to the success of its attack. Thus the lives of the brave, men. who fell in the attempt to escalade the Water Bastion were not uselessly sacrificed.

Once the mutiny ended, reprisals were swift and brutal. Those judged to be leaders were summarily charged tried and many were hung but many also were “Shot from guns” OR “ fired from cannons” That was the strength of feeling at the time of course.

(See picture on the left)

The aftermath.

The mutiny continued until 1859 and shortly after that the Battalion returned to Britain.

In 1870, now aged 40, William was at the Battalion HQ in Gravesend and was obviously unwell as he was relegated to “Canteen Duties” a euphemism for light duty. By the next year he was pensioned off and within a very short time he had died of “Pyaemia” which was a term for Septicaemia, or literally, Pus in the blood..

In those days, the term Chelsea pensioner meant that he was a retired soldier who had been found suitable to be granted an army pension either through disability or having completed full service. He would subsequently be placed on the Royal Hospital Chelsea Board and the term indicated that he was a military, rather than a civilian, pensioner.

The Royal Hospital, Chelsea was founded in 1682 for the care of disabled and wounded soldiers (never Officers) who had completed full service on the English establishment, later the whole of the British Army. The hospital itself was never very large and still is restricted in size.

The pensioners actually resident at Chelsea were termed "In-pensioners" whilst the majority became "Out-pensioners" and received their pension in cash terms rather than in hospital care.

Chelsea pensions were paid by local agents before the British Army established regional pension administration offices at the end of the 19th century.

This next paragraph could be considered to be speculative but is almost certain to be correct.

The name on the birth certificate of Emma Ellen (the Editor’s Grandmother) is given as Foot, also when she married in 1894, though in the 1881 census, she is shown as Emma Ellen Brown, being the stepdaughter of James Brown to whom her mother, Emily was married following the death of William. This would have been an error on the part of the Enumerator, such errors were common during the 19^th century as genealogists will know well.

James was a Blacksmith and no doubt Emily married him out of necessity as I believe the Chelsea Pension of 1/ 1 ½ d (One shilling and one and one half pence in pre-decimal British Currency.) would have died with him leaving Emily and Emma almost destitute.

The cause of William’s death is given as “Pyæmia for 31 days…” - literally pus in the blood - a common description applied to what we now call Septicæmia.

At the time of his army discharge he was being paid 2s and 3 d (two shillings and three pence) per day as a Serjeant and he was allocated to Canteen Duties.

Further study will no doubt reveal more of the sort of service he underwent during the bulk of his army career. One thing is certain, it was a very hard life and he would have needed to be a very tough individual to survive long enough in the ranks to rise to, first Corporal and then Serjeant, especially as he was, in the latter part of his service, a Drill Serjeant - a man much to be feared by recruits and old timers alike.

Below is the contemporary account of Will’s funeral from the Mansfield Reporter on July 7^th 1871.

THE FUNERAL OF THE LATE SERGEANT FOOT.

On Wednesday afternoon the remains of the late Sergeant Foot, drill instructor to the 4th Notts. Rifle Volunteers, were interred in the Cemetery with military honours. The deceased, who during his connection with the corps had gained the esteem of every one connected therewith, died suddenly on Monday morning about four o’clock. At two o’clock the Volunteers assembled at the Armoury where the firing party were told off, and at half past two the company were marched, with the band, to the deceased’s residence in Sherwood Street. At three o’clock the Mournful Cortege left for the Cemetery headed by the firing party under the command of Sergeant Aves; next came the band of the Corps, with the drum! covered with crêpe, playing the solemn strains of the ” Dead March,” conducted by Mr. A. W. Merchant, bandmaster and organist of St. John’s Church; the body placed upon a bier and borne by members of the corps with the sergeants acting as pall bearers, (deceased's shako, sword and cross belt being placed upon the coffin); the mourning coach containing relatives and friends of the deceased, followed by the volunteers and Lieutenant Greenhalgh. The procession wended its way slowly to the Cemetery, and on its arrival the firing party opened out on each side the entrance gates and rested on their reversed arms, and the corpse was conveyed to the church, where the beautiful and impressive service of the Church of England was conducted by Dr. J. P. Winder, temporary curate. of St. John’s Church. The body was then borne to the grave and the last solemn rites performed by the above named rev, gentleman. The funeral service being concluded the firing party who had previously: taken up a position at the grave, fired three volleys over the deceased and the corps then returned to the Armoury and dismissed.

The deceased, who was 41 years of age, formerly belonged to the 8th Regiment of Foot, and served with that regiment through the Indian Mutiny, for which he obtained a medal. A large number of people assembled in the Cemetery to witness the funeral, as we believe that the deceased had not only won the esteem of the Volunteers but also of every one with whom he came in contact.

Geoff Hunt, Great Great Grandson of William and Emily Foot.